Community-Based Risk Reduction


Indonesia is a country that is highly prone to hazards due to its geographical position. Historical disaster data have shown that the country has experienced numerous major disasters such as earthquakes, tsunamis, landslides and volcanic eruptions. Indonesia’s position in the equatorial zone with its tropical climate that has two seasons poses other potential hazards: floods, land mass movement, windstorms, drought, forest and land fires, and diseases and epidemics. 

Recently the global climate change has also started to have impacts on many areas in the archipelago. Climate change has increased the frequency and intensity of climate-related hazards, increased the vulnerability of the poor, and decreased the capacity of many in dealing with hazardous events. It has influences over critical sectors like health, water, food, livelihood, education and infrastructure.

With the advent of the above-mentioned new challenges, disaster management may not be conducted in the old conventional way, instead it has to be designed with a longer-term perspective and integrated into the national development. In other words, Disaster Risk Reduction and Climate Change Adaptation need to be mainstreamed into development agenda both at the national and local levels. At the praxis level, however, the issues of disaster risk reduction and climate change adaptation are new to most communities, governments and civil society organizations alike. Implementation of DRR and CCA-related programs and activities has still been viewed as two distinct and separate issues.

At the grassroots level, communities face the growing challenge of increased hazards due to climate change. This requires them to develop strategies to adapt to the changing environment. Although the strategies developed are not necessarily considered as risk reduction activities, these adaptation efforts create coping mechanisms that may contribute to building their resilience to disaster. 

Adaptive behaviors were born from communities’ interaction with their environment through the values, knowledge, beliefs and various communal activities lived by communities in their culture. These value systems may take the form of myths, legends or any kind of rituals that constitute their local wisdoms. Local wisdoms that are directly related to the environment and people’s livelihoods very often define their resilience to disaster.

At the community level, there was still scant understanding of DRR and CCA terminologies. Most people had not understood the direct relation between disaster and climate change. They did not know the basic concept of climate change, let alone the relation between the two. Climate change was mostly understood as a change in daily temperature or irregularities in the raining season, and appearance of windstorms and unusually high sea waves. People tended to find it difficult to come to terms with complicated terminologies in disaster risk reduction and climate change. The impacts of disaster and climate change, however, had been felt by grassroots communities, with the prolonged drought, access to water that was getting difficult, uncertainty of planting time, increased abrasion, crop failure and decreased farm products, increased forest fires, lost livelihoods, and increased poverty.

Since there was little understanding of integrated DRR and CCA at the community level, activities implemented by the community members tended to be their natural response to mitigate the adverse impacts of an event. The interaction between communities and nature created a local system of knowledge, values, beliefs, myths and legends. Communities in Java Island, for instance, developed local wisdom in predicting climate that was called pranata mangsa (literally arrangement of seasons). This was used for determining the right time for the people to plant and the right varieties to plant at a certain period of time. A similar system was developed by Sangir communities in Sangihe Island, North Sulawesi in interpreting natural signs to decide the right time to go to sea and other activities.

A study by an NGO, Bingkai Indonesia and UNESCO in Lipang Island, North Sulawesi at the edge of the Pacific Ocean, found that people once affected by the impacts of sea level rise and marine abrasion moved to higher grounds and developed certain dwelling structure that faced the land to avoid strong winds from the sea. For protective purposes, members of the local community also planted two plant varieties, Palem Nipa (Nypa fruticans) and Almond (Terminalia cattapa) along the coastal lines. To maintain their level of fish catch, fisher communities moved to other parts of the island after observing a change in fish migration pattern. All these initiatives showed that local communities in Lipang Island had developed their own adaptation measures.

In Simeulu Island, Aceh communities possessed knowledge about potential Tsunami through the Smong story that was handed over across generations through bed-time stories and traditional performance arts: Nanga-Nanga, sikambang and nandong. Smong had become an identifying collective memory of communities in Simeulue Island. Pieces of poetry about Smong might be found in babies lullabies in the island.

The Civil Society Forum for Climate Justice (CFS) found that farmers and fishers living in the northern coasts of Java Island, particularly in Pandansari areas, Brebes, Central Java were able to adapt to extreme weather change by changing the paddy variety they planted with one that was more adaptable to salty water; the variety that was also planted by their predecessors. A similar situation might be found in Yogyakarta where the local communities developed local plant varieties that were more resilient to reduce the potential of crop failure. In Central Kalimantan, people used a traditional slash and burn technique to clear land, Sekat Bakar, in which community members cleared the land in line with a number of traditional precepts and watched the process closely so as not to trigger forest fires. In several areas in Central Java and North Sulawesi there was a ban on catching fish in certain seasons, which probably was related to weather condition that might make it dangerous to go to sea. Such prohibition might also be found in Pengastulan Village, Buleleng, Bali where community members were not allowed to go to sea during certain ceremonies. These beliefs were the results of people’s interaction with the environment over the years.

The above cited examples constituted a small fraction of the vast collection of local practices in 33 provinces throughout Indonesia. With approximately 1.128 ethnic tribes[1] and 17.504 islands[2], the country had numerous different local knowledge and customs to adapt to the changing environment.



[1] Chief of Statistics Indonesia (BPS), Wed 3/2/2010; http://www.jpnn.com/index.php?mib=berita.detail&id= 57455, accessed on 19 July 2012
[2] Ministry of Home Affairs, 2004



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